Huduba game da mata masu yawo tsirara da tufafi

HDUBAR JUMA'A DAGA MASALLACIN ITN

Daga bakin Sheikh Dr. Saeed Yunus Zaria

Assalamu Alaikum Warahmatullahi Wa barakatuhu 

Dukkan yabo da godiya su tabbata ga Allah, muna gode masa mu na neman taimakon Sa, mu na neman gafarar Sa muna tuba gare Shi.

Mu na neman tsari daga sharrin kawunan mu, da kuma munanan ayyukan mu, duk wanda Allah ya shiryar da shi babu wanda ya isa ya batar da shi. Duk wanda Allah ya batar da shi ya bace  babu mai iya shiryar da shi. Allah ka shirye mu! 

Muna shaidawa babu abin bauta face Allah shi kadai, kuma mu na shaidawa Annabin mu mosoyin mu Muhammad SAW (Farin Jakadan Allah) tsira da amincin Allah su tabbata gare shi Bawan Allah ne, kuma Manzon Allah ne, Allah ka dada tsira da aminci  ga Annabin sa, Annabi Muhammad (SAW) da Alayan Sa, da Sahabban Sa. 

Bayan haka ‘Yan uwa mu ji tsoron Allah mu siffantu da siffofi irin na Al-Kurani. Lallai Annabi ya kasance halayansa Al-Kurani ne, idan kana so ka kalli Kurani, ka kalli rayuwar Manzon Allah SAW. Annabi yana nisantar duk wani hani na Kurani, yana tafiya da duk wani umurni na Kur’ani, kuma shi Kur’ani shine shiriya ga dukkan mutane. Allah ya shiryar da annabi ta hanyar Kur’ani, don haka Annabi ya cigaba da tafiya akan wannan hanyar ta Kurani. Annabi yayi hakane (kamar yadda Allah umarce shi) don ya fitar da mutane daga duhu zuwa haske. Lallai Kur’ani Ambato ne wanda Allah ya saukar da shi mai hikima, mai dadi, kuma hanyar Allah ce. Kur’ani yana shiryar da mutane zuwa ga hanya madaidaiciya, duk inda aka bi Duniya da Lahira yana shiryar da mutane kan hanya da take mafi tsayuwa a cikin umarni da hani, da kuma rayuwa da kwanciyar hankali. 

Daga cikin karantarwar addinin Musulunci da karantarwar Kur’ani ‘Yan uwa akwai abubuwan da Allah ya ambata dangane da Iyayenmu Mata; Matan shugaban tafiya watau Annabi Muhammad SAW, sannan inda Allah a cikin Kur’ani Ya nuna tsarkakar Matan Annabi Muhammad SAW. Matan Annabi tsarkakakku ne, wanda ya zage su ya tabe, wanda ya zagi daya daga cikin su ya tabe Duniya da Lahira, saboda Allah ya tsarkake su, Allah ya ambace su a matsayin Muminai masu da’a ga Allah. Allah ya kira Matan Manzon Sa da cewa “Watau ku zauna a cikin dakunan ku yaku matan Manzon Allah kada kuyi fita irin ta matan jahiliyya ta farko”, fitan tsaraici ku sani cewa bayan an aiko Mijin ku Annabin Rahma ya ba wa Mata ‘yancin su a yayin da su ke tafiya tsirara, ku tuna da ayoyin da ake saukarwa Annabin yayin da yake dakunan ku, sai dai ku ga fuskarsa ta canza jikinsa ya canza. Wanda kuma ba matan Manzon Allah ba fa? Lallai ana karanta Kur’ani a dakunan Mata suna sauraro, don haka Kur’ani ya shiga ko wani daki, ko wane kauye, sabpda haka ku yi koyi da Matan Manzon Allah don inuwa daya ta tara mu duka, ita ce Al- Kur’ani mai girma. 

Lallai a daina bayyana tufafi, ko kawa, ko ado, ko kuma jiki ga mjin da muharrami ba. Kur’ani ya hana mata fita sai da lalura wanda shari’ah ta yarda da shi, amma fita haka kawai babu dalili, Kur’ani ya hana ki, lallai Kur’ani ya tsawatar ga mata da su zama masu kula da mutuncinsu, su yi tsayin-daka a kan hakkin Allah, da na Mazajensu. Su ji tsoron Allah, idan har an fadawa Matan Manzon Allah haka, to ina ga Matan wadansu wanda ba na Annabi ba, kasancewar ba su da fahimata irin na matan Manzon Allah da karancin Imani saboda haka su suka fi cancanta ayi masu wannan wa’azin. 

‘Yanuwa yana daga cikin munanan abubuwan da muke gani a cikin wannan kasa, da garuruwa, da lunguna shine ka ga mace ta fita Matar Musulmi ta fita zuwa kasuwanni haka kawai, ba gaira babu dalili, musamman kusantowar azumin nan; mata su je su cika kasuwa, babu hijabi, ka ga mata a titi, su na siye suna sayarwa, babu hijabi tattare da su. Musulunci bai hana ki zuwa kasuwa ba amma sai da dalili, sai kim sa tufafi kuma sai kin dauki izini daga Mijinki, ko kuma daga Mahaifin ki, ko kuma Waliyyin ki. ‘Yanuwa Wallahi wannan al’amari ya cika Kasa ya cika Garuruwa. Ka ga mahaukaci yana tafiya tsirara, kaga kuma mai hankali a cikin mata ita ma tana tafiya tsirara. Mumini da Fasiki, da Maihakali, da Wawa, da Mara hankali yayi ta kallon tsiraicinta, bata damu ba, saboda rashin tsoron Allh da kiyaye dokokin Allah, da kuma ganin cewa ai ba ita kadai bace. Allah ya rufeta da wani Hijabi amma ta kware shi, ta bude shi, ta fito tsirara cikin kasuwa, akan kwalta da titi ba su jin kunya, ko kuma cikin makarantu, daga cikin makarantu wanda muke da su manya-manya, kai har da Sakandare, mara hankali yayi farin ciki, mai hankali yayi bakin ciki. 

‘Yanuwa ku sani cewa wulakanta mace ne ta fito tsirara, wato shi ne ta fito babu hjiabi,  haduwar maza da mata a ko wanu mataki, yana daga cikin abubuwan da ke sa Allah yayi fushi hakan yana fusata Allah,  kuma abu ne wanda Allah ya haramata. Hijabi, wajibi ne a musulunci, yan uwa wanda suka zauna da manzon Allah su ne suka ga yadda mata su ke sa hijabi a lokacin manzon Allah, saboda haka ba ka da wata fassara face daga Manzon Allah, babu wani Malami da zai ce ai sa gyale ya wadatar.

Ya ku masu Mata, ya ku masu ‘Ya’ya ku sani cewa fitan Matanku tsirara yana kawo matsala a Kasa, ku  sani cewa duk Musulmi mai kishi bai kamata ya bari shaidan yayi wasa da hankalin sa ba, bai kamata yayi wasa da shari’ah ba, kada ka bari ayi wasa da hankalin ka da wasu fassarori, da wasu ‘yan yaudara irin na shaidan, domin wannan na iya sa Allah yayi fushi da kai da matarka, da dukiyar ka. Ka sani cewa Annabi ya nuna mana cewa karshe shi ne nasara, idan karshen ka ya munana, na matanka su ka munana, an yi mummunan karshe!

Saboda haka kowa ya sa Iyalin sa su sa Hijabi, Annabin Rahama na cewa “Ko dai kuyi umarni da kyakkyawan aiki, kuma ku yi hani da mummuna, ko kuma Allah ya kusa ya saukar da wata bala’i mai girma”. ‘Yan uwa mu ji tsoron Allah lallai wanda ke karkashin mu na iyalin mu, mu tabbata cewa sun sanya Hijabi, lallai wasu daga cikin mutane sukan fadi cewa ga wasu sun sanya Hijabi amma suna sabon allah, kuma ga wasu wanda basu sa hijabi ba amma suna biyayya ga Allah, to duka sai ayi masu wa’azi Huduba tana kira cewa mai sa Hijabi ya cigaba da sawa amma ya ji tsoron Allah, ka da ace ka bar gemu kuma kana cuta, ka dage wando kuma kana yaudara, ka zama Ustaz amma mayaudari. 

Akwai wani hadisi mai abintsoro wanda Abu Huraira ya ruwaito cewa, “Iri biyu (2) na Mutane su na daga cikin ‘yan wuta, Annabi yace shi bai gan su ba, amma za su zo a karshen zamani; Akwai jama’a wanda suke da bulala kamar kunnuwan sa su na dukan mutane ba gaira ba dalili” Sai ka yi bincike wasu mutane ne wanda suke dukan mutane hakanan? “Annabi yace kuma da wasu mata, ga su da tufafi amma tsirara su ke, sun tara gashi kamar tozan rakumi wanda yayi shekara uku, ba za su shiga aljanna ba, kuma ba za su ji kamshin aljanna ba” ‘Yan uwa watau ashe mata, da ‘Ya’ya, da Dalibai, da su ke fito da kan su da tarin gashi, ga ta tsirara kuma ‘Ya Musulma. Allah kuma yace: “Ku kiyaye kawunanku da iyalanku daga wuta wanda yake mutane da duwatsu sune makamashin ta. A cikin wutan akwai Mala’iku masu tsanani, masu fushi, su na azaba ne kawai!” Allah ya kiyaye mu daga shiga wuta, Allah ka kare mu daga sharrin kan mu, ka kare mu daga sharrin wanda mu ka kawo Duniya!

Huduba ta biyu; bayan godiya ga Allah tana cewa ku ji tsoron Allah mai girma, ku kasance masu da’a gare Shi, ku kasance masu biyyaya gare Shi. Mata su kasance masu koyi da musulmai ba da Kafirai ba, su Kafirai Makiya Annabi ne, za kaga mata sun bude kirjin su a waje, wuyanta a waje, ana ganin kafadar ra, wannan bala’i ne, so ake ace Annabin mu bai iya ba. Ku sani cewa su ne irin wannan matan da Annabi yace bai gani ba a lokacin sa amma za su zo nan gaba. Lallai Kafirai sun ce ba za su rabu damu ba, sai sun rabamu da Annabi Muhammad SAW, mu kuma mu rike koyarwar Manzon Allah, mu sanya tufafi irin wanda allah yake so. Akwai bakin ciki a yau a ga cewa mu na koyi da Shaidan, mu na koyi da tufafi wanda ba namu ba, ka ga Musulmi na cin abinci da hannun hagu, yana barin akaifa tayi tsawo, yana barin gashin baki wai don ya ba mutane tsoro, ka ga namiji na gaisawa da mace, Allah ka kare mu daga wannan bala’i, ku sani Manzon Allah yace duk wanda yayi kama da wani zai tashi da shi Ranar tashin Alkiyama. 

‘Yan uwa mu kiyaye koyi da Yahudu, mu yi koyi da Manzon Allah, wannan kadan kenan daga cikin karantarwar Kur’ani da karantarwar manzon Allah SAW. Lallai wani Malami yayi bayani mai dadi lokacin da aka zo yin taro na Sarauniyar kyau a Najeriya, ya nuna cewa kamar kwai ne wanda aka bare da wanda ba’a bare ba, shin wanne za ka zaba? Tabbas wanda ba’a bare ba! Wai shin tsarin kafirai ko na jahiliyya kuke so, ko tsarin musulunci? Ya Allah mun tuba, lallai mace ta karrama kan ta idan tasa tufafi irin na musulunci, sannan ta raba kanta da dabbobi. Za ku ga kafirai suna fitowa tsirara a gaban mazajen su saboda haka Allah ya tsine masu. Ibn Al-Qayyin yace duk jikin da ake rufe shi sai kaga yafi jikin da ba’a rufewa lafiya da kyau. 

Muna rokon Allah ya shiryar da al’umman annabi Muhammad SAW, kuma idan an hana ki sanya hijabi wajen aiki, babu komai kije kiyi aikin ki, idan ta fito ki sa hijabin kuma ki sake shi har kasa, wata rana wadanda su ke hana tan Allah zai canza su, zai kawo wanda za suce a sa. Kuma muna kira ga Shugabanni wanda su ke da ikon bari a sa hijabi da su bari a sa din, idan ba haka ba Allah zai jarrabe su da fitina. Allah yace kaji tsoron mutuwa!

Huduba a karshe tana jawo hankalin malamai da su ke bada fatawa ba bisa yadda Manzon Allah da Sahabbai suka tafi a kai ba, da su ji tsoron Allah, su koma su duba littatafai, da yadda Sahabbai su ka fassara wannan al’amarin. Kuma lallai mata ku ji tsoron Allah, gyale ki sa wa mijinki a gida ko ma ki fito masa tsirara. 

Allah muna rokonka ka daukaka musulunci, ya Allah yadda ka hada kafadun mu, Allah ka hada zukatan mu a kan gaskiya, ya Allah ka kare mu daga dukkan fitina, Allah ka sa mu zama masu gaskiya masu san gaskiya. Allah ka bamu nasara. Ameen!

A note to Youth from a lazy Buharist

Yes, Youth you are lazy! Comman and beat me! 

Large part of those lazy youth are his biggest political advantage, and people like him are the reason these Nigerians have not been to school.

If a University lecturer made that statement that Nigeria's youth are mostly lazy and good-for-nothing, one wouldn't have bothered at all. That coming from President Buhari will go as one the all-time political blunders in history considering the man and his followers. Recently he described Nigerians as impatient, because they believe he is too slow. Large part of those lazy youth are his biggest political advantage, and people like him are the reason these Nigerians have not been to school.

If you are a die-hard Buharist who may try as much as possible to take yourself out of the classification because you have probably benefited from one of the secret and nepotistic recruitment, or at least hoping for that to happen, I quite understand you. For the Talaka out there who till this time believes Baba Buhari is the Messiah, he's heartbroken. For Buhari to campaign on the shoulders of these people and only turn to them after over 7 million Nigerians lost their jobs under his watch and label most of them as lazy is beyond me.


Buhari said 'most of the youth are lazy and haven't been to school...' as he always give conservative fugues even at that particular sitting, one wonders what he thinks the youth are if he wants to be more generous with the figures. That is a presidential statistics by the way. But aren't we that lazy? Aren't we the same folks that shout Sai Baba when he is in our city even while on fuel queues? Aren't we the same people who he asked for 'a raka' not only that we 'a-kasad, a-tsared, a-jirad, etc. The big kids who weren't that lazy only appeared at the last days of campaigns. Aren't we the same jobless people who stood all day and night for his elections? Aren't we the same sets of people that filled stadiums when he set for campaigns? You say you go school?


We were so lazy we sat at home this around that fuel price was increased, prices of commodities rose and subsidy was re-introduced, electricity tariff was up, even data price almost went up, my Buharist friend said they'll pay as much as N3000 for 1GB because Baba was fighting corruption. We wanted everything for free, this is coming from the same man who illiterate labourers contributed their lazily-earned N100 for his campaigns, they pitied their former Oil Minister had no money for campaigns. That guts, to think Buhari was wrong. He’s always right, he’s Mai Gaskiya.


How dare you lazily sit at home and ask for free eduction when you are not Germany (Sorry West Germany). How dare you ask for free health care because you have oil at the backyard, this is Nigeria not UAE or Sweden. In this country when the un-lazy ones have accidents on Okaka, they are treated at the best private hospitals then taken abroad for checkup and received well by our hardworking Ministers at the airport as Lassa fever continue to kill the lazy sons.


The last time Buhari went out he said Nigerians are damaging our reputations abroad, he forgot to mention those sweating hard to make us proud out. This time around he said most of us are lazy, he was so lazy he couldn't remember the 'few' who have been to school and working hard to make ends meet. He should have further tell the audience how his Government has improved education sector and helped business. I heard Theresa May commended him like Bill Gates did for improving education. 


From 1983 to 2018, I ask how many schools has Buhari build for the lazy uneducated Nigerians? What’s the budget for education Nigeria? How has he set up a good business atmosphere for our brothers and sisters who now sell kunun aya, cakes, Zobo, shoes, kilishi, yaji, atamfa, caps, since Government can no longer employ lazy people who haven't been to school? The lazy Nigerians aren't that happy and have started to ask so many questions about the hardworking Zarah Buhari, Yusuf Buhari and co.



As for me sai Baba har 2031, you people are angry because Baba is fighting corruption.




Muhammad Malumfashi is a lazy Buharists and is on Twitter @m_malumfashi

2019 elections: My take, M. A Mubarak

MY TAKE FOR 2019

By M. A Mubarak

I’m not a political scientist neither a political analyst, I am a geologist.

It was on April 14^th, 2015, Nigerians went to the polls to cast their ballot in national and state elections. These elections were the fifth round of general elections since the democratic rebirth in 1999, after a military dictatorship that lasted for period of fifteen consecutive years. There were intense anxiety that preceded the 2015 elections, one the global interest they generated, and two the alternation of power which the presidential vote engendered, and the two made political history in Nigeria.

In that year Nigerians had the opportunity either to choose ‘continuity’, as represented by the then incumbent President, Dr Goodluck Jonathan under People Democratic Party (PDP), or to embrace ‘change’, as symbolized by the opposition candidate, Muhammadu Buhari under the platform of All Progressives Congress (APC). These two leading candidates in the 2015 challenge had also encountered each other at the ballot in the 2011 presidential contest, although Muhammadu Buhari was running on the ticket of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC). Analysts believe that the peaceful, transparent and credible manner in which the elections were organized, and the regime change which the presidential election produced, have launched Nigeria onto the path of democratic sustenance (Mojeed 2015 p.2). The winner of the presidential election, Muhammadu Buhari, has taken up the presidency with discipline, honesty, reliability and doggedness – a rare attributes among Nigerian leaders. Such qualities are urgently needed to confront the daunting challenges facing the country.

Before I continue I had like to bring to the reader the 2015 candidature, party and result of the election for better digestion and understanding the fact behind this writing. According to an official release by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) on December 29^th, 2014, fourteen political parties fielded candidates for the 2015 presidential election. In the upcoming election as of today February 17^th 2018 the number of new political parties has risen to 22; Accord (A), Action Alliance (AA), All Blending Party (ABP), Advance Congress of Democrats (ACD), Alliance Congress Party of Nigeria (ACPN), Alliance for Democracy (AD), African Democratic Congress (ADC) and so on this was published on the INEC website four weeks from ago….. In addition to the 46 already in existence this means the total numbers of political parties in Nigeria are now 68. In the 2015, the parties were: Action Alliance (AA), African Democratic Congress (ADC), All Progressives Congress (APC), African People’s Alliance (APA), Allied Congress Party of Nigeria (ACPN), Alliance for Democracy (AD), Citizens Popular Party (CPP), Hope Democratic Party (HDP), Kowa Party (KP), National Conscience Party (NCP), People’s Democratic Party (PDP), People’s Party of Nigeria (PPN), United Democratic Party (UDP), and United Progressives Party (UPP).

Below are the names of the political parties and those of their presidential candidates were published on the INEC website on 13^th January 2015. Of the 26 registered parties in Nigeria before the elections, twelve did not compete for the highest elective office in the country. However, two of those parties, the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) and the Labor Party (LP), adopted Dr. Goodluck Jonathan of the PDP as their presidential candidate.

Names of parties and candidates that contested the 2015 presidential election

1.      Action Alliance (AA) ANIFOWOSHEKELANI, Tunde

2.      African Democratic Congress (ADC) AHMAD, Mani Ibrahim

3.      All Progressives Congress (APC) BUHARI, Muhammadu

4.      African People’s Alliance (APA) ADEBAYO, Ayeni Musa

5.      Allied Congress Party of Nigeria (ACPN) GALADIMA, Ganiyu

6.      Alliance for Democracy (AD) SALAU, Rafiu

7.      Citizens Popular Party (CPP) EKE, Sam

8.      Hope Democratic Party (HDP) OWURU, Ambrose

9.      Kowa Party (KP) SONAIYA, Oluremi  (F)

10.  National Conscience Party (NCP) ONOVO, Martin

11.  People’s Democratic Party (PDP) JONATHAN, Goodluck

12.  People’s Party of Nigeria (PPN) ALLAGOA, Kelvin

13.  United Democratic Party (UDP) OKOYE, Godson

14.  United Progressives Party (UPP) OKORIE, Chekwas

The 2015 general elections in Nigeria took place within the local context of insurgency arising from the brutal activities of the extremist Islamist group, Boko Haram, in the north-eastern part of the country, and the global context marked by declining global peace. In its 2014 Global Peace Index (GPI) report, the Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP) stated that since 2008, among the countries which it ranked worldwide, 111 countries had deteriorated in their levels of peace, while only 51 countries had increased in peace during the same period (IEP 2014, p. 41). The Boko Haram menace has resulted in the death of thousands of innocent Nigerians, massive destruction of property, and the displacement of thousands of people. This challenge conspired with the global context of declining peace to render the environment in which the Nigerian elections were conducted highly volatile. Indeed, in its special report on the Nigeria 2015 polls, the International Crisis Group (ICG), an international conflict research organization, noted the volatile environment in which the preparations for the elections took place. This environment was marked, on the one hand, by acrimony between the two leading parties, and on the other hand by deep ethnic and religious polarization were as in 2019 the situation is perceived differently, although some security challenges are still hitting the floor. As Nigerians approached the polls, they were troubled by two things. First, many Nigerians were apprehensive about the much-publicized prediction that the 2015 election, and its outcome, would lead to the disintegration of Nigeria as a united territory. Second, sad memories of the 2011 post-election violence and its accompanying heavy casualties created fear among many Nigerians. The 2011 post-election violence, acknowledged as the bloodiest election-induced violence in the political history of Nigeria (Bekoe 2011; NAPEN 2011, p. 26), had resulted in the death of more than 800 people (HRW 2011). If the prediction that Nigeria would cease to be a unified territory did not provoke national anxiety, the same cannot be said about electoral violence. (Kurfi 2003, p. 8) describes such violence in Nigeria as a ‘war of succession’. In a national survey conducted by Afrobarometer in December 2014, the research organization reports that 50% of the 2,400 respondents surveyed expressed fear of the likelihood of violence during the elections which means most people were unable to cast their votes.  As the election approaches many people who were unable to get their cards are now registering, it is also a known fact that most Shiite members don’t vote because they didn’t believe in Nigerian democracy. In 2012 the Pew Forum on religion and public life, which is a research based organization found that the population of the said sect is growing faster than expected and they were not less than six million or so.

The election took place at a time of worsening material conditions for the Nigerian citizenry. According to official records from the National Bureau of Statistics, poverty incidence grew to 69% in 2010 and was projected to rise to 71% in 2011 and apparently the situation is worsening, World Poverty Clock, more than eighty million Nigerians live in extreme poverty and from February 2018 Nigeria will overtake India as the country with the most extreme poverty in the world, while the rate of unemployment in the country was estimated at 24% and in the second quarter of 2017 the unemployment rate rises from 29.50% to 33.10% Trading Economics. Add to this the effects of decaying public infrastructure and ‘punitive’ tax regimes Introduced by government at all levels in 2015 and one can better appreciate that the elections were conducted at a most difficult juncture in the material circumstances of the Nigerian masses.

Some people are saying if Sen. Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso and some other political moguls would present their interest to the public, the situation would not be like 2015. However Scholars have employed diverse theoretical models to study or explain the determinants of voting behavior and electoral outcomes. Each of these approaches seeks to identify factors that shape the attribute of ‘indeterminacy’ associated with elections as a mechanism for recruiting leaders within democratic contexts. Three main theoretical perspectives on voting decision have been identified in the literature on voting behavior. These are the sociological theory or the Columbia school, the psychosocial theory or the Michigan school, and the rational choice theory. The framework for this perception is the psychosocial and sociological approaches, but all the three approaches are briefly outlined here. At the heart of the argument of each approach is the attempt to establish the main driver of voters’ choices. What influences voting decisions of the electorate? Are such decisions based on a rational evaluation of the accomplishments of the candidates on offer, the record and performance of a regime, and the issue positions of competing political parties? Or are voters’ choices influenced more by non-evaluative sentiments, such as ethnic, family or clienteles?

The sociological theory suggests that social factors, such as socio-economic variables, religion and location, are key factors in determining voting decisions (Lazarfeld et al. 1948, p. 27). The rational choice model has two main perspectives, namely evaluation and non-evaluation. Evaluative voting rationale is premised on voters, evaluation of regime performance. By contrast, the non-evaluative perspective is based on clientelistic considerations such as patronage, ethnic and family ties (Lindberg & Morrison 2008, p. 95). The psychosocial perspective seeks to account for why and how electoral change occurs. This model provides a framework that combines sociological and Psychosocial approaches to study voting decisions (Agomor & Adams 2014, p. 3). The central argument of the psychosocial theory is that voters’ political affiliation or party identification – which is understood as being a socio-psychological Product – shapes those voters’ evaluations of relevant matters. Thus, according to Erdman (2007, p. 63), voters evaluate the electoral candidates, campaign issues, and the expected capacity of political parties to solve governance problems. In this you could why it will be tough for APC to win 2019 elections as most people assumed from distance. According to this perspective, party identification is assumed to influence both the attitudes of the voters and their actual vote (Eulau 1960, p. 993). Party identification in this context refers to ‘the sense of personal attachment which the individual feels toward the party of his choice’ (Campbell et al. 1954, p. 88).

The theoretical argument of this writing is anchored on the assumptions of the psychosocial approach to voting behavior. In 2015 election I argue that the increasing affiliation of Nigerian voters with the APC as an electoral platform, particularly as the elections approached, ensured victory for that party at the polls. The party was perceived as being a credible alternative to the then incumbent party PDP, and was credited with the capacity to midwife the much-needed national rebirth, in 2015 Dr. Goodluck lost to President Muhammadu Buhari by ratio of 45% (12,853,162) to 54% (15,424,921) the incumbent lost to opposition by relatively 20% margin of 2,574,781 votes. Observation of the state by state break down of the low voter turnout showed that only 13 states had 50% or more. About all the Northern states, including those where there have been issues of insurgency, had turn out of at least 40% (exceptBornowith30%). Lagos, a state considered relatively peaceful, with little or no security breach especially as regards pre/post election violence; had the lowest turnout (29%). In contrast, Rivers state had the highest turnout (71%), although there were pockets of complaints (by opposition parties) of electoral malpractices thus requesting for a cancellation. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) conducted an inquiry, and decided to uphold the result of the election as       valid. Published on by INEC.  In 1999 there were 52% voter turnout, 69% in 2003, 57% in 2007, 54% in 2011 and only 43.65% in 2015. As Nigerians understand the strength of ballot more awareness are in all cricks, I perceived the 2019 general election will be another night mere to mickle number politicians, considering the sociological theory take, the record and performance of the present government, and the issue positions of competing political parties.

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